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It is not possible to make sense of the contributions which social and political science can make to the understanding of law and legal processes without some broad appreciation of what the social sciences have to say about the behaviours which those processes seek to address. In the context of criminal law and judicial process this requires an awareness of sociological approaches to the analysis of offending behaviour. A number of these are particularly important because in different ways they tell us that legal interventions aimed at behaviour modi cation are not always appropriate and, indeed, may exacerbate problems they are designed to resolve. It is dif cult to identify where psychological approaches to the study of offending behaviour end and sociological approaches begin. The analysis of the linkages between crime and processes of socialisation, for example, draws freely from both psychological and sociological traditions (Farrington, 1997). There are nevertheless a number of quite fundamental differences in approach which mark out at least some sociological perspectives on crime from more psychologically oriented approaches. In identifying two broad theses on crime we can illustrate what social science can bring to the party when it comes to understanding crime.

It is especially true for protophobic aprotic solvents, which have very weak proton donating and accepting abilities Efforts to determine KSH values have been made even in such solvents However, if a small amount of water is present as an impurity in such solvents, the H3O+ and OH ions formed from water may complicate the autoprotolysis process The KSH values determined may not be the product a(SH+)a(S ) but the 2 product a(SH+)a(OH ) or even a(H3O+)a(OH ) (see Section 623) Moreover, OH 2 ion added as R4NOH cannot remain stable because of Hoffmann degradation Impurities other than water may also affect the KSH values Thus, it is very difficult to get true KSH values in aprotic solvents and the literature data vary widely [6] The pKSH values for aprotic solvents are usually higher than 20 (Tables 34 and 6.

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U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: www.quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/index.html U.S. Census Bureau zip code statistics: www.census.gov/epcd/www/zipstats .html Business Information Solutions demographic data by zip code: www.infods .com /freedata

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6) and, especially for some protophobic aprotic solvents, they may approach *40 Thus, the pH windows are much wider in aprotic solvents than in water (see below) In aprotic solvents, in which pKSH values are not definitive, it is difficult to estimate the activity of the lyate ion from the pH of the solution It is different from the case in water, in which a(OH ) can be estimated from the pH value Although the pH scale in aprotic solvents has such a disadvantage, it is still useful to quantitatively understand the acid-base aspects of chemical phenomena Wider use of the pH concept in non-aqueous solutions is desirable..

Recognizing the apparent disconnect between public expectations and law enforcement objectives and strategies was not an act of obstinacy or stupidity Rather, as Peter Manning points out, it was in many ways a logical consequence of the basic societal foundations of the policing function Manning has devoted a considerable amount of time to the study of the police, mainly in the United Kingdom but also the United States, and has speculated on the nature of the social contract they hold with society, the implications of it, and how their efforts to fulfill that contract and survive as an institution have shaped their mission, organization, and self-perception He notes that early pressures to regulate the possibility of violent intervention to effect their responsibilities relied on a system of strict accountability, a military rank structure, rigid control over communications, and constant supervision.

As a result of these factors, the police came to be what he calls a symbolic bureaucracy 32 Manning also describes eight attributes he believes characterize the nature and limits of police power33 From our perspective, it is useful to think of these attributes in two lights The first, which we examine in this chapter, is the set of elements that tended to work to produce the types of responses that characterized the law enforcement mission for the first seven decades of this century in the United States The second, which we shall examine in the next chapter, is how these same elements figured into the rethinking necessary to effect improvement in the police function: 1 The police symbolize the state, both in the sense of representing its political unity and also in being the arbitrators of adherence with its dictates 2.

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They characterize their activities as being based on political consensus and serving society as a moral whole 3 Although they are charged with enforcement of the law, they frequently encounter situations where the law is a weak resource 4 They must do their work with few procedural guidelines while observing various constraints designed to protect individual rights 5 From prior experience with criminals they often believe they should, or must, decide guilt or innocence before an arrest 6 The police are highly dependent on the gathering, receiving, processing, and use of information 7 In theory the police are apolitical 8 Although the police often claim active control over issues of crime and public order, they are in reality highly dependent on information from others to even begin to approach the discharge of their duties Because of these factors, Manning theorizes that the law enforcement function often displays highly representative characteristics.

First, while the police.

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